Guys it is real irritating to see that we hardly get something from massive natural resources we had in Tanzania. I sometimes ask myself who has bewitched Tanzanian??/
read the below article by Prof. Gervase to see how our neighbours are progressing in development ladder.
DPMN Bulletin: Volume X, Number 2, April 2003
Economic Development and the Role of the State in Botswana
Prof. Gervase S. Maipose
Introduction
Botswana is widely known for its remarkable economic growth and prudent macro-economic management. In fact the country "has had the highest level of per-capita growth of any country in the world in the last 35 years" (Acemoglu, Johnson and Robinson 2001). Analysts who are acquainted with this successful development record attribute the country’s "performance" more to effective state management than to "diamonds fortune", the main engine of growth (Harvey and Lewis 1990; Tordoff 1993; Leith 2000). In contrast, "development crisis in many African countries is compounded by an often profound weakness in the capacity of the state to promote development" (Brautigam 1996, 81). However, the institutional context of rapid growth in Botswana - that is a multiparty democratic system of government - offers a sharp and refreshing contrast to authoritative/undemocratic regimes elsewhere in China and the East Asian miracle which did not have a history of democratic systems of government in the first place until quite recently.
The most striking negative aspect is that, unlike other success stories, such as those in Asia and Mauritius in Africa, a story of good governance and long period of sustained rapid economic growth in Botswana has not translated itself into a significant degree of socio-economic transformation as reflected both in the country’s over-dependency on one mineral, diamonds, and high unemployment/poverty levels. To compound the situation Botswana, like all the countries in the sub-region, suffers from one of the highest rates of HIV/AIDS infection in the world, with signs of adverse impact already being felt in achievements in human resource development and general economic growth. Thus, Botswana faces a major policy challenge of turning the country’s wealth into meaningful economic diversification for sustainable and broad-based development.
This article highlights the main policy and institution related factors that explain sustained rapid economic growth with limited structural transformation. It also illuminates the extent to which the role and sheer size of the public sector, which for a long time had been a catalyst for growth and development, appear to have turned out to constitute part of the obstacles to growth and sustainable economic diversification – the main challenges facing the country. The crucial question is: what explains sustained rapid economic growth with limited economic diversification and unemployment/poverty alleviation, and what else does the Botswana state need to do?
The Role of the State: Continuity and Change
Managing the public sector and the required policy choices to facilitate broad-based sustainable economic growth and diversification hinges on one of the most topical issues in development literature – the role of the state in socio-economic development and how this is associated with failure and success stories. "Failure of the state perspective" that has loomed for almost two decades now since the 1980s and increasingly cutting across the World Bank and IMF perspective - known as the "Washington consensus" - contends that Africa’s development crisis is first and foremost a crisis of the African state capacity, or a failure of governance (Hyden 1983; World Bank 1989; Lipumba 1994; Brautigam 1996). The evidence is enormous, persuasive and need not be reviewed. But there are a few recognised exceptions, such as Mauritius and indeed Botswana, the later the focus of this article.
The overview of Botswana’s development record and the role of the state may be captured in one sentence – endorsing a general consensus among the country’s development analysts. Initially based on agriculture and heavily dependent on foreign aid, rapid economic growth and general development in Botswana have been propelled by the mining sector, particularly the diamonds industry, and have been strategically led and managed by the state and decreasingly complemented by foreign aid within the overall institutional context of a liberal market economy and multi-party democratic system of government. In examining this observation, it must also be noted immediately that the strategy of "state-led development" was not born out of "ideological dogma", but pragmatism in line with the informed economic opinion and preferred strategy when Botswana and many African countries became independent in the 1960s and 1970s. The same strategy was adopted by many developing (African) countries irrespective of their political regimes – civilian or military – and it did not matter whether a particular regime pursued a capitalist or socialist development strategy (Tordoff 1993, 121-147). The general lack of indigenous entrepreneurs or the absence of a viable private sector led some influential development economists of the time to provide further justification for a more interventionist state role in development. The point is that the idea of "state-led" development and national economic planning has worked relatively well in Botswana. The same strategy is associated with, and it is now blamed for, the general economic crisis in many African countries most of which were under authoritative/one-party regimes until quite recently.
However, following the dominance of "neo-liberalism dogma" and the collapse of many centrally planned economies, the emphasis on the role of the state in development has currently shifted towards attacking the development theories of the 1950s and 1960s as well as introducing a new style, the argument of "government failure" and the need for a minimalist and facilitative role for the state to leave sufficient space for "market-based" socio-economic development (Huntington 1994). Many aid donors began to demand political and economic liberalisation reforms as conditions for giving aid. Partly in line with the new school of thought on the role of the state in development process, and mainly out of the internal review of the old development strategy that increasingly yielded reduced returns from early 1990s, Botswana has also been re-orienting the overall strategy from "state-led" to "private sector-led" development, complemented with some public sector reforms. It is necessary to reflect on the factors, which accounted for Botswana as a successful developmental state so far: policies and/ or institutional factors that are still regarded as necessary fundamentals with which to confront the major challenge of socio-economic transformation.
Significance of Existing State Management Elements
The explanation for Botswana’s "success story" and the outlook for the country’s future prosperity tend to oscillate between emphasis on the "good luck" factors, on the one hand, and the "good management", on the other hand. It must be added that the two factors – "good luck" and "good management" – are inter-related, but independently constituted, though achievements owed more to careful or "good management" than "good fortune" which the Botswana state exploited to national advantage (Harvey and Lewis 1990, 6-7; Tordoff 1993, 282).
The elements in the good luck factor are basically four, though a detailed survey could reveal some other complementary issues. These are: i) the national mineral endowment, particularly diamonds; ii) the production and marketing of diamonds within the most durable and successful producer/marketing cartel run by De Beers, the Central Selling Organisation (CSO); iii) inflow/impact of foreign aid; iv) and small and largely homogenous population (with relatively large Tswana speaking) at least in the sense that ‘tribalism’ and ‘sectionalism’ are not sharply used to explain electoral behaviour and leadership competition in Botswana.
The inflow of foreign direct investment (FDI) remained quite stable for a long time between the 1970s and1990s. That it played a significant role in Botswana’s development effort is not an aspect of good luck, but one of the examples of good management – attracted by good policies and market-friendly environment. The same argument applies to the inflow of foreign aid and its sustainability long after Botswana became a middle-income country. Many donors were happy with the use of their aid and they wanted to be associated with the country’s success story (Maipose and Somolekae 1996). One can also appreciate the advantages of "small country effect" in key macro-economic indicators, and frustrations regarding broad or agriculture-based poverty reduction strategies due to recurrent drought conditions that make agriculture a precarious undertaking. Institutionalisation of multi-party political system and good macro-economic management contained various interests, thereby managing not just the country’s wealth but also the diversity of its people. Thus, the context of the "good natural fortune" is crucial.
The elements in the Good Management factor are many and basically different, though inter-related, illustrating the significance of policy choices and institutional capacity. These are: development planning and its integration with the annual budgetary process; institutionalisation of the liberal multi-party democracy and economic setting; prudent macro-economic management; and high state extractive and saving capacities. It is one thing to have "good fortune" or receive windfall foreign aid resources, and it is another thing to put one’s fortune to good use and to build and sustain the confidence of foreign investors.
Public Sector Development Planning and its integration with the annual budgetary process have been the foundation of Botswana’s development management machinery, and the basis for managing its windfall gains – mineral rent and foreign aid (Stevens 1981; Maipose and Somolekae 1996). The country relies on a six-year planning cycle, with mid-term reviews and annual budgets to update the plans in response to changes in the economic and political context. National Development Plans are essentially plans for public spending and human resource use, and annual budgets are used as instruments for converting a development plan into a programme for action, on the basis of the projections underlying the Botswana macro-economic model (Jefferis 1998). For effective aid management and co-ordination, the donors are asked to support (and have flexibility to choose) projects that are already identified as national priorities in the plan.
Good governance record, underlined by relatively well-institutionalised private property values, multi-party political system and the quality of the country’s political leadership, is another important factor which explains good management. Striving to enhance this form of institutional development was and continues to be crucial for better and more accountable government, which maintains freedom of speech, press and association, and respect for property rights, rule-based governance and independent Judiciary. A participatory and transparent political system has combined with the good and disciplined political leadership to moderate/limit, the incidence of corruption. Relying on the Transparency International Corruption Perception Index, Botswana has, for many years, been ranked among the least corrupt countries in the world and the best in Africa. Although there are cases of corruption and probably it is increasing (Good 1994), there are also cases of suicides (for fear of obvious consequences), resignations or dismissals (on matters of principle/accountability) and imprisonment involving politicians and government officers. Many analysts and the Batswana themselves acknowledge the exemplary ethical leadership and general foundation made by the country’s first President, Sir Seretse Khama, by establishing a precedent for high ethnical standards, a strong and relatively independent but accountable merit-based career civil service, and a developmental orientation of government (Tordoff 1993, 281). It must be emphasised that these attributes have been carried on and built upon by his successors
The degree of state extractive and saving capacities, which the Botswana state has displayed, due to good policy choices including negotiating skills and leadership vision and their implication for state capacity to budget, has been incredible. State extractive capacity, as defined by Brautigam (1996, 83) "is a measure of the ability of a government to raise the revenue it needs to pay for the expenses of implementing its policies and goals", and it is analytically seen as one of the four dimensions of state capacity – regulatory, administrative/managerial and technical. Some development analysts regard this as the most important element of the state capacity, mainly because "a capacity to budget is a capacity to govern"(Schick 1989) and also because financing capacity can be used to increase other forms of state capacity. Available evidence from the World Bank publications (1990-2000) – Development Indicators – clearly show that the country’s overall extractive capacity has been quite impressive by regional and international standard. During the period 1980 to 1998, government revenue (excluding grants), as a percentage of GDP, averaged about 50 % in the 1980s – reaching the peak of 64% in 1988 and had the lowest flows of 42% in 1993 (World Bank 1999). State extractive capacity in Botswana is impressively high mainly because the state is a share-holder in the key industries – known as an aspect of smart partnership – and all the main sources of government revenue, such as mineral/diamonds rent, customs revenue, aid and earning on reserves/savings, accrue to the treasury in lump forms, and without hard toil. This is partly explained by good policy choices, negotiating skills and vision on the part of the country’s leadership – covering how partnership/shares in the mining companies and sharing of custom revenue from the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) and continued flow of foreign aid were negotiated for, and so are policy choices regarding public sector savings and investment.
Another point is that unlike most other African countries, aid represents a small portion of Botswana’s national budget and is hardly significant in other key macro-economic variables. Financial aid as a percentage of public capital expenditure has come down from near 100 % in the 1960s (Stevens 1981) to 15% in 1992, and represents about 5% of total government revenue in the recent statistics (Maipose and Somolekae 1996). Moreover, foreign debt, which represents just about 8% of GNP, remains manageable, and almost insignificant in the sense that the debt service ratio is about 3% of export earning. Finally, a significant proportion of public revenue in the form of annual budget surpluses and the foreign exchange reserves have been saved – used as offshore investment or savings abroad (Jefferis 1998, 38), thereby making Botswana a net exporter of capital. Income from the country’s offshore investment/savings now constitutes the second or third major source of government income
Prudent macro-economic management, including complementary balance between monetary and fiscal policies for ensuring macro-economic stability, for which Botswana has acquired a good reputation, has been indisputably crucial for the country’s success (Harvey and Lewis 1990; Hill and Knight 1999). Dimensions of sound economic management that have been highlighted elsewhere need not be repeated here. Strikingly, for mineral-based economic growth, the government has been able to maximise the domestic benefits of its mining development, increase its domestic savings and investment, and strived to diversify (rather than suppress) the non-mining economy, while at the same time mitigating the potentially adverse effects of mineral-led development syndrome – effectively avoiding what is known as Dutch Diseased.
The government’s self-imposed adoption of orthodox stabilisation and adjustment policies is viewed as illustrative of strategic state intervention, and this is in sharp contrast to "forced structural adjustment reforms" in some other African countries. Because of good policies and consistent market-friendly environment, FDI came to play a significant role in many industries early in Botswana’s development effort, and in partnership with the government, they developed the mining sector – providing the resources critical for the first phase of economic diversification from agriculture to include mining. In terms of qualitative impact, early inflows of FDI strongly boosted export receipts and government revenues, which were invested wisely and created the foundation for long-term growth, and the government still continues to enjoy a reputation for the quality of bureaucracy and the non-distortive economic policy.
New Development Strategy: Achievements, Challenges and Prospects
Usually good at anticipating opportunities and problems, the government acknowledged in early the 1990s that the country’s success prospects had come to a stage where it had to use a different development strategy to confront a new set of more complex development challenges if its strong development record was to continue. Consequently, the government embarked on public sector reform process aimed at changing the development strategy from state-led to private sector-led development through various forms of privatisation, complemented by a more extensive use of Performance-based (contract) Management Systems (MFDP 1997). Results have been mixed with some clear achievements and prospects, generally underlined by limited structural socio-economic transformation. The main good news is that economic growth has picked up, progressively especially since the country’s NDP 8 was effected in 1997 and growth rate has averaged 6% per year with noticeable increase in non-traditional exports and some degree of structural economic diversification (Harvey 1998; MFDP 2000). Structural diversification seems to be promising for the tourism and financial services sectors, which have doubled their GDP shares from 1988/89 to 2001/2002. The mining GDP share has declined from about 50% (or rather 49.3% to be specific) to its present level of 32.5% for the same period. Prospects for manufacturing sector, whose GDP share of 4% has remained more or less the same since independence, cannot be ruled out yet. The sector’s main setback was in 1999 when the country’s main automobile assembly plant – the Motor Company of Botswana that assembled Hyundai vehicles – was closed following the liquidation of the motor company, the Wheels of Africa Group of South Africa. Except for the cattle sub-sector, the contribution of the agriculture sector to GDP has continued to decline mainly due to arid climatic conditions and relatively low investment. These conditions make agriculture and (consequently) broad-based rural development strategy a precarious undertaking.
One of the most important aspects of concern is the GDP share and growth of the public sector. Despite the Botswana government’s strong private sector thrust, it still retains a strong presence in the economy and has continued to expand – illustrated by recent state acquired shares in the newly built shopping malls in Gaborone, creation of three new ministries, and new parastatal agencies to facilitate economic diversification as elaborated upon below. While there are good reasons for retaining government involvement in areas such as diamond mining – the country’s key assert – there are areas where it may now make sense to step back. Unlike other African countries, Botswana has not been under the same financial stress and/or pressures of mismanagement associated with public enterprises to make this move, probably on appreciation of the fact that the number of state-owned enterprises and the size of the sector did not grow excessively in Botswana or accounting for about 6 per cent of GDP (Jefferis 1996). However, taking the public sector as a whole – the civil service and the state-owned public enterprises – there is a belief that the public sector is over-staffed and has outgrown its capacity for effective policy implementation and monitoring of projects (BIDPA 2000, 4; 14-19). The delay in privatising corporations may have already been costly – seen as one of the reasons for drastic reduction in FDI inflows, much of which are currently directed into other SADC countries through privatisation, which Botswana has not yet implemented.
Unfortunately, reviews of the country’s progress and prospects show that the structural transformation of the economy has not proceeded well – certainly not at the pace that the country would wish to have as it looks to the future. The fact is that Botswana is still at the factor-driven stage of economic development, highly dependent on vulnerable primary products for growth. The shrinkage of agriculture in favor of mining – not manufacturing – is not regarded as a sustainable development path in literature. The development of a mineral "staple" such as diamond export in Botswana has been thought of as a potential springboard for structural transformation – not via expansion of the mineral factor itself but via its linkages to the rest of the economy. The rest of the economy has been very weak except through foreign exchange earning (made available to other sectors) and fiscal linkages that have been very strong. Like many other African countries, Botswana is a mono-economy, heavily dependent on one mineral, diamonds, that is indirectly linked to other sectors of the economy through direct contribution to export earning and strong fiscal linkages. Mining is not a big employer and unemployment is estimated at nearly twenty percent – a disappointing situation in view of the country’s small population of 1.7 million. With about 45% of Batswana living below the poverty line – close to the African average of 50% – Botswana exemplifies the huge income differentials elsewhere on the continent. Gini co-efficient is said to be 0.56 and it has hardly been reduced for the past two decades.
Furthermore, there are still too few indigenous private entrepreneurs picking up business opportunities. Development of indigenous business class, like income poverty reduction, has been modest, at best. Batswana talk about government being rich in partnership with foreign interests and this is underlined by a strong feeling among the country’s elite that indigenous business people have not participated fully enough in Botswana’s "economic miracle", leading to the debates on "citizen empowerment" and the need for "growth with income poverty reduction." Like the rest of Africa, globalisation seems to be taking Botswana by storm. Local business fears that apart from marginalising Botswana in global terms, globalisation will make affirmative action for local business more difficult. It is against this background that one can understand why privatisation, which is not donor-driven in Botswana, has proceeded slowly, and ordinary citizens have reservations against privatisation due to perceived job losses.
Thus, against a story of good governance, regular elections, clean administration and prudent management, there is a major challenge of diversifying the economy, turning wealth into jobs or economic activities that will have effects of alleviating unemployment and poverty levels, and empowering indigenous private entrepreneurs. The major challenge of meaningful economic diversification, that is, export-led diversification, has to be achieved through energised/activated state facilitating role aimed at making the private sector dominant in the economy. This calls for a committed willingness of the state to have a private sector play a dominant role in economic development. Redefined in terms of experience of the Newly industrialised countries of Asia (NICs), the new role of the state in Botswana should be similar to that of the Singapore state – or what Yu (1997) calls the entrepreneurial state – which combines both the facilitative and interventionist role in the economy in a more creative and innovative manner.
The Botswana state has so far been interventionist but not sufficiently facilitative beyond providing a business friendly and enabling environment for the private sector. State entrepreneurship, spearheaded through the role of BDC, is complemented by some form of state facilitation of private agencies that is being done by the newly recreated parastatal organisations, such as Botswana Export Development and Investment Authority (BEDIA) and Trade and Investment Promotion Agency (TIPA). This is being illustrated in exploring for opportunities in world markets and identifying strategic industries that has potential for future growth and aiding the private sector to exploit them, and also working to "create" comparative advantage where the country did not initially have it, such as the recent state efforts in exploiting the tourism and financial services sectors. Some of the public sector reforms in this direction – focused on identified sectors or areas of new engine of growth – entailed splitting what used to be large ministries, creating three new ministries in total. For example, what used to be a Ministry of Local Government, Lands, Housing and Environment was split into two with local government standing on its own; so was the subsequent creation of the new Ministries of Science, Technology and Information; Trade, Wildlife and Tourism, and reconstituted Ministry of Industry and Commerce.
However, according to one of the main resolutions overwhelmingly adopted at the 7th National Business Conference that ended on 8th August 2002 in Francis town, government efforts to facilitate economic diversification and reduce direct role of the public sector have not been as aggressive and consistent as they should be. Having not retreated or rolled back yet its role in economic development, state created institutions to carry out the newly acquired mandates appear to have ended up enlarging further what is already a large public sector. Thus, for sustainable economic diversification to be realised under the country’s new development strategy of private sector led development there must be a willingness of the state to have the private sector play a dominant role. So far the message or policy design seems to be clear. According to the policy statement: "governance for market-based economic performance entails ‘right-sizing’ the public sector through selling of shares or asserts... and by a more extensive use of performance-based management contracts" (MFDP 1997, 86). But willingness and commitment have yet to be demonstrated by action/implementation.
Concluding Remarks
The evidence seems to suggest that being mindful of basic economic fundamentals provides a good basis and investment-friendly environment, but it may not be enough for broad-based economic growth and diversification. The necessity of retaining a strong state that possesses a strategic development-oriented capacity for effective public service delivery and/or facilitating the role of the private sector in order to fulfil crucial development goals is asserted. This requires, in our view, forging ahead with management ideas that have served the country well so far, and resolute implementation of the public sector reforms that have been announced in line with the redefined role of the state, the facilitative role of the public sector in the economy.
References
Acemoglu, D., S. Johnson, and J. A. Robinson. 2001. An African success story in Botswana. A seminar paper, July 11.
BIDPA. 2000. Making Government smaller and efficient. Paper prepared by Abdalla Gergis for Botswana Institute of Development Policy Analysis, BIDPA, March.
Brautigam, D. 1996. State capacity and effective governance. In Agenda for Africa’s economic renewal, edited by B. Ndulo and Van de Walle. New Brunswick and Oxford: Transaction Publishers.
Good, K. 1994. Corruption and mismanagement in Botswana: A best case example. The Journal of Modern African Studies 32, no. 3.
Harvey, C. 1998. Economic diversification and export promotion. A paper presented at a Public Policy Forum, Gaborone Sun Hotel, 27 September.
Harvey, C., and S. R. Lewis. 1990. Policy choice and development performance in Botswana. Houndmill: MacMillan Press Ltd.
Hill, C., and J. Knight. 1999. The diamond boom, expectations and economic management in Botswana. In Trade shocks in developing countries, edited by P. Collier and J. W. Gunning. Vol. I: Africa. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Huntington, S. P. 1994. What price freedom? Dialogue: The Economic Agenda, no. 104.
Hyden, G. 1983. No shortcuts to progress: African development management in perspective. London: Heinemann.
Jefferis, K. 1996. Botswana’s public enterprises. In Botswana: Politics and society, edited by W. Edge and M. H. Lekorwe. Pretoria: J. L. Van Schaik Publishers.
_____. 1998. Botswana and diamond-dependent development. In Botswana: Politics and society, edited by W. Edge and M. H. Lekorwe. Pretoria: J. L. Van Schaik Publishers.
Leith, J. C. 1997. Growth and structural transformation in Botswana. In Aspects of the Botswana Economy: Selected Papers, edited by J. S. et al Salkin. Oxford: James Currey Ltd.
Lipumba, H. I. 1994. Africa beyond adjustment, overseas development management in perspective. London: Heinemann.
Maipose, G. S., G. M. Somolekae. 1996. Managing a transition from aid dependence: The Botswana case study. Policy Working Paper. Nairobi: African Economic Research Consortium (AERC).
Maipose, G. S., and M. H. Lekorwe. 2000. Performance management system situational analysis for the public sector in Botswana. Ministries of Agriculture; Mines; Mineral and Water Affairs; Foreign Affairs; Parliament. Public Sector Management Services and National Productivity Centre, Gaborone.
MFDP. 1997. National Development Plan 8 - 1997/98 - 2002/03. Gaborone: Government Printer.
Tordoff, W. 1993. Government and politics in Africa. London: MacMillan.
World Bank. 1999. African Development Indicators 2000. Washington, DC: World Bank.
Yu, F. Tony. 1997. Entrepreneurial state: The role of government in the economic development of the newly industrialized economies. Development Policy Review, no. 15.
Monday, October 11, 2010
I have a dream by Martin luther King
As we approach election day lets reflect on Martin luther king speech to Negros.
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.
We cannot turn back.
There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.
And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."2
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:
My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.
And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
But not only that:
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.
From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:
Free at last! Free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!3
I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.
Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.
But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.
In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."
But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.
We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.
It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.
But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.
The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.
We cannot walk alone.
And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.
We cannot turn back.
There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹
I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.
Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.
And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.
I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."
I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.
I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.
I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.
I have a dream today!
I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."2
This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.
With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.
And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:
My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.
Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,
From every mountainside, let freedom ring!
And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.
And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.
Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.
Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.
Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.
But not only that:
Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.
Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.
Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.
From every mountainside, let freedom ring.
And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:
Free at last! Free at last!
Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!3
Tied with this kind of politics
On Sunday I received this message which i hope is CCM strategy to make voters lose hope on Dr. Slaa.
Here is the message " Slaa ni mropokaji na mgomvi anatukana vyombo vya ulinzi na usalama. Anataka damu imwagike ili mradi aingie Ikulu. Tumkatalie kuigeuza nchi yetu Somali" sender +3588188226
To me this is very bad kind of political strategies. Parties should leave people to decide the kind of leader they want and not to spoil the name of others like this. It is our togetherness we Tanzanian that will determine the direction of Tanzania. Lets make our analysis to determine the good leader that derseve our votes in 31st December. Lets be critical in voting for the forthcoming election.
Here is the message " Slaa ni mropokaji na mgomvi anatukana vyombo vya ulinzi na usalama. Anataka damu imwagike ili mradi aingie Ikulu. Tumkatalie kuigeuza nchi yetu Somali" sender +3588188226
To me this is very bad kind of political strategies. Parties should leave people to decide the kind of leader they want and not to spoil the name of others like this. It is our togetherness we Tanzanian that will determine the direction of Tanzania. Lets make our analysis to determine the good leader that derseve our votes in 31st December. Lets be critical in voting for the forthcoming election.
Sunday, September 26, 2010
Voters reported to sell their rights
Voters reported to sell their rights
at Tsh 10,000
By Arusha Times Reporter
There is a new election-related racket taking place in Arusha town whereby some unknown people move from house to house buying or hiring voters’ cards from original holders.
“We are very aware of these latest strategies by some politicians here who are working hard to ensure that they get control of people’s voting powers,” said Mr Matei Basilio the Regional Police commander who added that his force was already investigating the issue.
“But at the end of the day it is the owners of the voters’ ID cards that who should refuse to sell their documents as well as report such incidences to the police,” said Mr Basilio.
But with good money being involved in the transactions it is becoming apparent that few people will be in a hurry to report their ‘customers’ to the law.
Investigations conducted in town reveal that a single voter’s identity card could be hired out at between 5000/- and 10,000/- with agreement that whoever takes them, return the document immediately after the general elections set for October 31, 2010.
A person could totally let go of his or her voting card by selling off the document at prices starting from 15,000/- upwards depending on either the individual’s bargaining power or the financial muscle of the customers or the parties they happen to represent in the transaction.
“Many of the ID buyers ,it has been discovered ,are merely agents sent by politicians or party supporters to ensure that people in the areas where their candidates are least supported go without voters’ cards,” said the Police boss.
Meanwhile the police force here said they are completing initial investigations on claims that one of the local ward representative aspirants had allegedly caused chaos at the bus station a few days ago.
An aspirant was arrested by the police late last week for allegedly causing chaos at the main bus station in town where he reportedly went round calling upon people to stop paying local government taxes.
at Tsh 10,000
By Arusha Times Reporter
There is a new election-related racket taking place in Arusha town whereby some unknown people move from house to house buying or hiring voters’ cards from original holders.
“We are very aware of these latest strategies by some politicians here who are working hard to ensure that they get control of people’s voting powers,” said Mr Matei Basilio the Regional Police commander who added that his force was already investigating the issue.
“But at the end of the day it is the owners of the voters’ ID cards that who should refuse to sell their documents as well as report such incidences to the police,” said Mr Basilio.
But with good money being involved in the transactions it is becoming apparent that few people will be in a hurry to report their ‘customers’ to the law.
Investigations conducted in town reveal that a single voter’s identity card could be hired out at between 5000/- and 10,000/- with agreement that whoever takes them, return the document immediately after the general elections set for October 31, 2010.
A person could totally let go of his or her voting card by selling off the document at prices starting from 15,000/- upwards depending on either the individual’s bargaining power or the financial muscle of the customers or the parties they happen to represent in the transaction.
“Many of the ID buyers ,it has been discovered ,are merely agents sent by politicians or party supporters to ensure that people in the areas where their candidates are least supported go without voters’ cards,” said the Police boss.
Meanwhile the police force here said they are completing initial investigations on claims that one of the local ward representative aspirants had allegedly caused chaos at the bus station a few days ago.
An aspirant was arrested by the police late last week for allegedly causing chaos at the main bus station in town where he reportedly went round calling upon people to stop paying local government taxes.
Community project challenges
Community project challenges
By Ramadhani Kupaza
Politicians continue to promise during the ongoing political campaigns that they would establish this and that community development project if they are elected during the general elections in October. The politicians promise to establish projects in order to improve peoples’ lives. But one wonders whether the politicians who make the promises are aware of the enormous challenges that are involved in establishing successful community development projects.
Challenges involved start early during the project identification stage. For instance, financiers like banks or donors do not provide pre-project funds to carry out social economic surveys to determine priority community needs that proposed community projects would address. As a result, the tendency is for community development projects to address imaginary rather than actual priority community needs. It follows that politicians will find it difficult to improve peoples’ lives in the communities since interventions like projects may not often address community priority needs.
Based on a similar argument, politicians will find it difficult to improve peoples’ lives by establishing projects because financiers provide project funds based on their institutions' funding policies rather than on priority community needs. For instance, some institutions finance projects involving some development sectors but not others. For example, there are funding institutions which provide financial support for conservation projects but not for water supply projects even if water scarcity is the main problem in the community. It is a message to the politicians that there are actually fewer relevant institutions that may finance priority community projects than what meets the eye.
Politicians who promise to establish community development projects during campaigns would encounter other challenges at the project design stage. Like for the project identification stage, the politicians would be forced to design community development projects based on imaginary rather than on actual community needs. The reason is the same: financiers do not provide pre-project funds to collect relevant information that would be used as the basis for designing relevant community development activities. Needless to emphasize, irrelevant project activities do not improve peoples’ lives.
As if that is not enough challenge. Financiers that provide funds dictate timing and duration of projects. Yet, such project timing and duration may not be the most suitable for members of a particular community. As a result, members of a community may not be able to participate fully in implementation of a project. Project timing and duration are common challenges that project executants encounter.
A community development project being implemented in Sekei, Arusha
Institutions that finance community development projects require guarantees which indicate that the organization that will implement a project is credible. The financiers assess the implementing agency by conducting what project planners refer to as Organization Capacity Assessment or OCA in short. The framework of an OCA may include how effective an implementing organization manages finances. How it manages its personnel and equipment. Of particular interest to financiers in this case are audited financial reports prepared by a project implementing organization. The reports serve as proof that the implementing organization manages finances correctly. Financiers are obliged to terminate contracts any time if implementing organizations embezzle or misappropriate funds. It suggests that some politicians are simply not aware of the financial management commitments that are
involved during implementation of community development projects.
By the way, a community development project design is reflected in a document referred to as Project Proposal. An approved project proposal is a project implementation guide. The document becomes a Project Contract when contractual aspects like signature pages are incorporated to the document once a financier commits to fund a project. Contents of the Project Contract like agreements between the financier and the project executing institution become binding.
Politicians who promise to establish projects will encounter challenges at the project implementation stage as well. The stage involves identification of qualified personnel, relevant partners and stakeholders to implement the project among other things. Yet, there is acute scarcity of qualified personnel in developing countries like Tanzania.
Community awareness, logistics and empowerment are major challenges when implementing community development projects particularly in rural areas. Awareness is especially important when a project involves new ideas, products, services, technologies and major community commitments. As regards logistics, aspects like transport and sometimes communication are major challenges in many parts of Tanzania.
Community empowerment is important as an act to enable members of the community to implement development activities independently with and without the project. In addition, community empowerment is part of an early preparation to ensure that project activities are sustained in the long run. Community empowerment can be in the form of training on relevant skills, establishment of practical systems to carry out activities effectively and provision of incentives in the form of cash or equivalent. It can be difficult to find relevant individuals to empower.
Politicians will find that it is one thing to implement a project and it is quite another to ensure that project activities are carried out on time and effectively. Project planners refer to such project stage as project monitoring. It is challenging to set up an effective monitoring programme particularly when a project has not been properly designed and when members of project staff are not adequately qualified.
Politicians will continue to encounter challenges at the evaluation stage of a project. Project evaluation process measures causative effects and positive as well as negative changes on lives of members of a community as a result of a particular intervention like a project. Accuracy of the measurements depends much on the relevance of indicators of causes and effects that are usually outlined in a detailed matrix called logical framework. The enormous project challenges suggest that many of the projects that politicians promise to establish in order to improve peoples’ lives are simply wishful thinking.
source: Arusha Times newspaper.
By Ramadhani Kupaza
Politicians continue to promise during the ongoing political campaigns that they would establish this and that community development project if they are elected during the general elections in October. The politicians promise to establish projects in order to improve peoples’ lives. But one wonders whether the politicians who make the promises are aware of the enormous challenges that are involved in establishing successful community development projects.
Challenges involved start early during the project identification stage. For instance, financiers like banks or donors do not provide pre-project funds to carry out social economic surveys to determine priority community needs that proposed community projects would address. As a result, the tendency is for community development projects to address imaginary rather than actual priority community needs. It follows that politicians will find it difficult to improve peoples’ lives in the communities since interventions like projects may not often address community priority needs.
Based on a similar argument, politicians will find it difficult to improve peoples’ lives by establishing projects because financiers provide project funds based on their institutions' funding policies rather than on priority community needs. For instance, some institutions finance projects involving some development sectors but not others. For example, there are funding institutions which provide financial support for conservation projects but not for water supply projects even if water scarcity is the main problem in the community. It is a message to the politicians that there are actually fewer relevant institutions that may finance priority community projects than what meets the eye.
Politicians who promise to establish community development projects during campaigns would encounter other challenges at the project design stage. Like for the project identification stage, the politicians would be forced to design community development projects based on imaginary rather than on actual community needs. The reason is the same: financiers do not provide pre-project funds to collect relevant information that would be used as the basis for designing relevant community development activities. Needless to emphasize, irrelevant project activities do not improve peoples’ lives.
As if that is not enough challenge. Financiers that provide funds dictate timing and duration of projects. Yet, such project timing and duration may not be the most suitable for members of a particular community. As a result, members of a community may not be able to participate fully in implementation of a project. Project timing and duration are common challenges that project executants encounter.
A community development project being implemented in Sekei, Arusha
Institutions that finance community development projects require guarantees which indicate that the organization that will implement a project is credible. The financiers assess the implementing agency by conducting what project planners refer to as Organization Capacity Assessment or OCA in short. The framework of an OCA may include how effective an implementing organization manages finances. How it manages its personnel and equipment. Of particular interest to financiers in this case are audited financial reports prepared by a project implementing organization. The reports serve as proof that the implementing organization manages finances correctly. Financiers are obliged to terminate contracts any time if implementing organizations embezzle or misappropriate funds. It suggests that some politicians are simply not aware of the financial management commitments that are
involved during implementation of community development projects.
By the way, a community development project design is reflected in a document referred to as Project Proposal. An approved project proposal is a project implementation guide. The document becomes a Project Contract when contractual aspects like signature pages are incorporated to the document once a financier commits to fund a project. Contents of the Project Contract like agreements between the financier and the project executing institution become binding.
Politicians who promise to establish projects will encounter challenges at the project implementation stage as well. The stage involves identification of qualified personnel, relevant partners and stakeholders to implement the project among other things. Yet, there is acute scarcity of qualified personnel in developing countries like Tanzania.
Community awareness, logistics and empowerment are major challenges when implementing community development projects particularly in rural areas. Awareness is especially important when a project involves new ideas, products, services, technologies and major community commitments. As regards logistics, aspects like transport and sometimes communication are major challenges in many parts of Tanzania.
Community empowerment is important as an act to enable members of the community to implement development activities independently with and without the project. In addition, community empowerment is part of an early preparation to ensure that project activities are sustained in the long run. Community empowerment can be in the form of training on relevant skills, establishment of practical systems to carry out activities effectively and provision of incentives in the form of cash or equivalent. It can be difficult to find relevant individuals to empower.
Politicians will find that it is one thing to implement a project and it is quite another to ensure that project activities are carried out on time and effectively. Project planners refer to such project stage as project monitoring. It is challenging to set up an effective monitoring programme particularly when a project has not been properly designed and when members of project staff are not adequately qualified.
Politicians will continue to encounter challenges at the evaluation stage of a project. Project evaluation process measures causative effects and positive as well as negative changes on lives of members of a community as a result of a particular intervention like a project. Accuracy of the measurements depends much on the relevance of indicators of causes and effects that are usually outlined in a detailed matrix called logical framework. The enormous project challenges suggest that many of the projects that politicians promise to establish in order to improve peoples’ lives are simply wishful thinking.
source: Arusha Times newspaper.
Thursday, September 23, 2010
Doctoral Studentships 2010 at School of Business and Management, Queen Mary University of London, UK
Doctoral Studentships 2010 at School of Business and Management, Queen Mary University of London, UK
The School of Business and Management currently has three studentships available for entry onto the PhD Programme in January 2011.
Research within the School clusters around six broad themes (i) innovation, networks and knowledge; (ii) communications, discourse and narratives; (iii) equality and diversity; (iv) education; (v) globalisation and (vi) business history. Faculty conduct research across one or more of these themes. We also host the Centre for Research in Equality and Diversity, the Globalisation Research Centre, the Business History Research Centre and co-host the Centre for Global Security and Development with the School of Geography and the School of Politics.
More about PhD research.
We are looking to attract applications from candidates with an interest in one of three broad areas – innovation, ethics and communications. However we welcome applications which may be inter-disciplinary and cross-cut any of our research themes, for example the ethics, fairness and diversity of contemporary policy and employment practices, the globalisation of innovation, pedagogical issues associated with the use of digital communication, transparency and accountability in the context of globalisation, fairtrade governance structures and impacts on local development etc.
More about the PhD programme.
One of the Studentships will entail working as a paid editorial assistant one day a week with the journal ephemera: theory and politics in organization, the other two will be scholarships without any specific tasks attached. All will be subject to the terms of conditions of Queen Mary funded College studentships in the Humanities and Social Sciences see http://www.qmul.ac.uk/hss/funding/bursaries/index.html
The Studentships are open to home and overseas students and include payment of tuition fees and an annual stipend of £15,590.
The school strongly advises prospective PhD students to contact a member of the School before they apply to the programme. This will ensure that your research proposal is complementary to the expertise and strengths of the School. Details about the School’s academic staff and their research interests can be found below:
Academic Staff Details
For further information please contact:-
Miss Monira Begum
PhD Programme Administrator
Tel: 020 7882 8581
Email: m.begum@qmul.ac.uk
Information about the Doctoral Programme and the application procedure can be found here: http://www.qmul.ac.uk/postgraduate/apply/index.html#procedure
The deadline for return of completed applications is 5.00pm (GMT) on 31st October 2010.
Source:
http://www.busman.qmul.ac.uk/newsandevents/general/items/36111.html
The School of Business and Management currently has three studentships available for entry onto the PhD Programme in January 2011.
Research within the School clusters around six broad themes (i) innovation, networks and knowledge; (ii) communications, discourse and narratives; (iii) equality and diversity; (iv) education; (v) globalisation and (vi) business history. Faculty conduct research across one or more of these themes. We also host the Centre for Research in Equality and Diversity, the Globalisation Research Centre, the Business History Research Centre and co-host the Centre for Global Security and Development with the School of Geography and the School of Politics.
More about PhD research.
We are looking to attract applications from candidates with an interest in one of three broad areas – innovation, ethics and communications. However we welcome applications which may be inter-disciplinary and cross-cut any of our research themes, for example the ethics, fairness and diversity of contemporary policy and employment practices, the globalisation of innovation, pedagogical issues associated with the use of digital communication, transparency and accountability in the context of globalisation, fairtrade governance structures and impacts on local development etc.
More about the PhD programme.
One of the Studentships will entail working as a paid editorial assistant one day a week with the journal ephemera: theory and politics in organization, the other two will be scholarships without any specific tasks attached. All will be subject to the terms of conditions of Queen Mary funded College studentships in the Humanities and Social Sciences see http://www.qmul.ac.uk/hss/funding/bursaries/index.html
The Studentships are open to home and overseas students and include payment of tuition fees and an annual stipend of £15,590.
The school strongly advises prospective PhD students to contact a member of the School before they apply to the programme. This will ensure that your research proposal is complementary to the expertise and strengths of the School. Details about the School’s academic staff and their research interests can be found below:
Academic Staff Details
For further information please contact:-
Miss Monira Begum
PhD Programme Administrator
Tel: 020 7882 8581
Email: m.begum@qmul.ac.uk
Information about the Doctoral Programme and the application procedure can be found here: http://www.qmul.ac.uk/postgraduate/apply/index.html#procedure
The deadline for return of completed applications is 5.00pm (GMT) on 31st October 2010.
Source:
http://www.busman.qmul.ac.uk/newsandevents/general/items/36111.html
Joint European Master (MISOCO) in International Migration and Social Cohesion, NetherlandsSep 23
The general aim of the Master programme in International Migration and Social Cohesion is to educate students and create dialogue among students, professionals and policy makers who will understand advanced theories, techniques, and methodologies in the field of Migration Studies, and who will be able to translate perceived societal problems into relevant social scientific research questions and to contribute to the solution of such problems by combining insights from fundamental social theory joined with substantive theories.
More specifically, the programme seeks to explore the critical elements of international migration and the incorporation of immigrants in the society of destination.This Master is unique to Europe and unique in the countries and the institutions (both EU and third-country) which participate in the Consortium, a unique opportunity to bring together those who have an interest in creating a shared outlook for Europe in terms of migration studies. All the partner universities not only teach but actively research various migration-related issues, thus being able to offer students state-of-the art knowledge in respective specialization areas.
The MISOCO Mundus Master’s has been designed for people working or intending to work in the field of migration and social cohesion; regardless of their race, gender, religion, age, and/or geographical origin.
Candidates are chosen on the basis of the quality of their education and professional background, their experience in and concern for migration issues, their multicultural sensitivity, and their linguistic abilities.
All applicants must follow the joint application procedure as established by the MISOCO consortium. Admission may be granted to applicants who meet the following common admission criteria:
Candidates must have obtained, as a minimum, a Bachelor Degree (with a minimum of 3 to 4 years of University Studies) in Political Science, Sociology, Anthropology or another social science discipline (in this case the study transcripts have to demonstrate sufficient credits in Social science theory and research methodology). Minimum grade average of B (ECTS system), B+/A-/3.5 (American system), First class Honours degree (British system) or 7.5 (Dutch system).
All non-native speakers of English applaying to MISOCO are required to demonstrate proficiency in the English language. Applicants who are nationals of countries other than the United States, Australia, United Kingdom, Canada, Ireland or New Zealand are required to submit an English test score that meets specific requirements: TOEFL (550-600 paper, 215-250 computer and 93 internet) or IELTS (6-7) Certificate.
Practical experience in the area of migration in governmental, inter-governmental, and/ or non-governmental organisations and institutions is valued.
Completed applications received.
Selection criteria
The selection committee takes into account the following:
Type and level of academic qualifications.
Level of motivation and concern for humanitarian issues.
Level of language abilities.
Type and level of research experience.
Type and level of professional experience.
Application Procedure: Step-by-step instructions
ALL APPLICATIONS for MISOCO Mundus Master’s MUST be made online at the MISOCO APPLICATION FORM ON-LINE
LOOK AT the online application and prepare all the data that you are asked to provide for each section of the form, and all the documents that you must attach to your application.
READ carefully the criteria to determine whether you are eligible to apply for an Erasmus Mundus Scholarship (Description of eligibility criteria for an EM scholarship: nationality, 12 month rule for non-European scholarship, 3 EMMC’s max, non EMMC scholarship holder previously)
FILL IN the APPLICATION FORM ON-LINE , completing each and all the sections as requested.
ATTACH all compulsory documents:
Copy of international passport (Only main page(s)).
Certified copy of Diploma (if this document is not in English then you must attach an official translation) and, if available, diploma supplement.
Certified copies of academic transcripts.
Curriculum Vitae in English (Europass model: http://europass.cedefop.europa.eu/europass/ )
Official proof of language abilities (where applicable).
2 reference letters.
Contact
Coordinator of Consortium
Prof. Dr. J.C Rath
Programme Manager
Ms. Emilie van Tol
University of Amsterdam
Prins Hendrikkade 189-B
1011 TD Amsterdam
The Netherlands
E-mail: misoco@uva.nl
Website: http://www.misoco.org
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